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Her finner du aktuelle artikler knyttet til valg og valgforskning.

Minste oppslutning for å vinne mandat ved stortingsvalg

Når det stunder til stortingsvalg, er mange opptatt av hvor stor eller rettere liten andel av stemmene partiene/listene må ha for å være sikre på å vinne mandat. Dette kan vises rent historisk – ved å f.eks. å se på den laveste oppslutning et parti har hatt for å få mandat, evenmtuelt i gjennomsnitt over en lengre tidsperiode, eller man kan foreta teoretiske beregninger.  Etter at vi fikk utjevningsmandater, er det antallet distriktsmandater som er grunnlaget for beregningene. Vær oppmerksom på at antallet mandater i fylkene har variert over tid, slik at man ikke kan sammenligne alle valgene direkte.

 

Minste oppslutning for mandat i fylket

Fact Sheet: Norwegian Parties

Here you will find graphical presentations for the main political parties in Norway: Election results in per cent of all votes, parliamentary seats (Storting), as well as the parties’ ten best counties (electoral districts) in terms of relative support (per cent) and number of votes.

Red Party (Rødt)

Socialist Left Party (Sosialistisk Venstreparti)

Labour Party (Arbeiderpartiet)

Liberal Party (Venstre)

Christian Democrats (Kristelig Folkpearti)

Center Party (Senterpartiet)

Conservative Party (Høyre)

Progress Party (Fremskrittspartiet)

Green Party (Miljøpartiet de Grønne)

Gjør noen partier det bedre ved kommunevalg enn ved stortingsvalg?

Noen ganger blir det hevdet at noen partier gjør det bedre ved kommunevalg enn ved stortingsvalg, mens det er motsatt for andre partier. Men hva er riktig? Figurene under viser to kurver: en kurve for partiets oppslutning ved stortingsvalg, og en kurve for oppslutningen ved de etterfølgende kommunevalgene. Den sistnevnte kurven er med andre ord forskjøvet med to år.

Vi sammenligning mellom stortingsvalg og kommunevalg

Climate concern and environmental protection

Anne Therese Gullberg and Bernt Aardal: “Is climate change mitigation compatible with environmental protection? Exploring voter attitudes as expressed through “old” and “new” politics in Norway (Environmental Policy and Governance, 2018)

Abstract:
The international literature on public attitudes finds that attitudes to climate change are closely related to attitudes to environmental protection. We ask whether this conclusion also holds for Norway. Our starting point is the political science literature on “old” versus “new” politics, old politics being defined in socio‐economic left or right terms and new politics being defined in accordance with an authoritarian or libertarian dimension in which environmental protection plays an important role. Based on these two axes, Herbert Kitschelt finds a new axis—a diagonal—combining old and new divides. According to Kitschelt, voters with traditional environmental attitudes have leftist and libertarian values, while voters favouring economic growth have rightist and authoritarian values.
Using Norwegian data, we compare voters who favour traditional environmental protection and take climate change seriously with voters who only take climate change seriously. We expect that if climate change is perceived as one of many environmental threats, then the two voter groups are similar. We find that half of the voters see climate change as a big problem. Two thirds of these voters are in favour of environmental protection. However, the last third of these voters who take climate change seriously do not want greater environmental protection. Moreover, we find interesting differences between these groups. Those in the latter group have leftist and libertarian values, whereas climate‐only voters have rightist and authoritarian values. Thus the two groups of voters are dissimilar. Interestingly, this pattern corresponds to alignments along Kitschelt’s new diagonal axis for party competition.

Kommentar/kronikk i Dagens Næringsliv

The 2017 Norwegian election (Bernt Aardal & Johannes Bergh)

Although the Storting election of 11 September 2017 reduced the number of seats backing the incumbent conservative government, it still gave the two governing parties and their supporting centre-right parties a parliamentary majority. Thus, Prime Minister Solberg’s premiership will continue after the election. In the previous period, the government could secure a parliamentary majority with either of the two centrist parties; the Liberal Party or the Christian Democrats. After the 2017 election, they will need the support of both parties to secure a majority, unless they can get help from one or more of the centre-left opposition parties. When Solberg formed her government back in 2013, the populist right-wing Progress Party entered government for the first time. Even Progress Party leaders feared that they would lose support from anti-establishment voters. Poor turnout at the 2015 local election did not bode well.1 However, the Progress Party did far better in the 2017 national elections and lost only 1.1 percentage points and two seats compared with the 2013 election. A major success factor for the Progress Party was the attention given to immigration issues during the election campaign (see below). At the previous election, in 2013, the Green Party won a seat for the first time, increasing the number of parties in parliament from seven to eight.2 In 2017, the far-left Red Party increased the number of parties from eight to nine.3 Despite the re-election of the incumbent government, the election signalled a shift to the left, even to the left of the Labour Party. (West European Politics, vol.4, No. 5: 1208-1216)

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